Islamic Revolution Research

Abstract این مقاله به بررسی نقش و تأثیر رویه‌های الهی در فرهنگ وحیانی اسلام بر آینده‌پژوهی دینی می‌پردازد، که در آن مهدویت و انتظار به‌عنوان مبانی اساسی مطرح هستند. مسئله اصلی تحقیق درک چگونگی تأثیرگذاری این رویه‌ها به‌مثابه قوانین لایتغیر تاریخی در شکل‌دهی به آینده جوامع بشری است. هدف از این پژوهش، تحلیل و تبیین دقیق رویه‌های الهی با استفاده از آموزه‌های قرآنی و ارائه راهکارهایی برای بهره‌برداری از آن‌ها در ساخت جامعه‌ای عدالت‌محور و پایدار در بستر مهدویت است.
روش تحقیق کیفی بوده و بر اساس مطالعات کتابخانه‌ای و تحلیل تفسیری از منابع معتبر اسلامی انجام شده است. در این زمینه، مجموعه‌ای از رویه‌ها شامل هدایت و ضلالت، تدافع حق و باطل، مدیریت نعمت‌ها، آزمایش انسان‌ها و قوانین دیگر بررسی شد.
یافته‌های این پژوهش نشان می‌دهد که رویه‌های الهی نه تنها در تاریخ گذشته نقشی مؤثر داشته‌اند، بلکه در شکل‌دهی به آینده اجتماعی و فرهنگی جوامع امروزی نیز می‌توانند چارچوب‌های اصلی برای سیاست‌گذاری‌های آینده‌گرا و پایدار ارائه کنند. این قوانین از توان بالایی برای تقویت عدالت اجتماعی، پایداری زیست‌محیطی و همبستگی فرهنگی برخوردارند.
نتایج تحقیق حاکی از آن است که با تکیه بر آموزه‌های مهدوی و درک عمیق رویه‌های الهی، می‌توان رویکردی جامع برای آینده‌پژوهی دینی ایجاد کرد که به چالش‌های معاصر پاسخ دهد و مسیری روشن و عدالت‌محور برای جوامع انسانی ترسیم کند. همچنین، این پژوهش بر نیاز به گسترش تحقیقات میان‌رشته‌ای برای بهبود فهم از این مفاهیم و تعمیق ارتباطات فرهنگی-دینی تأکید می‌کند.

Abstract Protest, as one of the most important political and social actions, has always had a special place in the relationship between the people and the government. However, the boundary between "legitimate protest" and "illegitimate riot" is considered a challenging issue in political and jurisprudential thought. The present study, by adopting a descriptive-analytical approach and relying on the sources of Imamiyyah jurisprudence and analyzing the statements of the Supreme Leader (the Supreme Leader), seeks to explain the jurisprudential foundations and frameworks governing the legitimacy of protest in the Islamic system. The main issue of this study is what are the criteria for realizing "legitimate protest" in the statements of the Supreme Leader and on what evidence and principles of Imamiyyah jurisprudence these criteria can be inferred. The findings of the study show that protest is legitimate in the eyes of Allah if it is realized within the framework of law, rationality, morality, and with a clear demarcation towards the enemies of Islam. Accordingly, protest not only does not contradict the people's trust and support for the authorities, but it can also be an example of enjoining what is right and forbidding what is wrong and a tool for reforming and developing the Islamic society. On the other hand, any oppositional movement that undermines public security or provides a basis for abuse by enemies will be classified as riot and sedition and will lack jurisprudential legitimacy. This article, by examining the jurisprudential foundations of protest in the rule of justice and fairness and analyzing its position in the Islamic Republic system, concludes that in the thoughts of the Supreme Leader, legitimate protest is an opportunity for public oversight, prevention of deviations, and strengthening social cohesion, and can contribute to the stability and authority of the Islamic system within the framework of Sharia.

Abstract Since the beginning of the Syrian crisis, regional and extra-regional actors have adopted diverse approaches due to the country’s geopolitical and geostrategic location. In this arena, the competition between Turkey and Saudi Arabia, both of which at times supported the fall of Bashar al-Assad, quickly developed into a form of strategic confrontation that had important direct and indirect consequences for Iran’s interests and national security.
Iran, which considers the survival of the Assad regime and the continuation of its logistical lines to Lebanon and Hezbollah as part of its "strategic depth," pursued a policy based on consolidating its military presence, regional diplomacy, and strengthening proxy networks in the face of the wave of Turkish and Saudi support for various opposing political-ideological groups.
The confrontation between Ankara and Riyadh in Syria not only led to division and competition among the opposition, but also put pressure on Iran's geopolitical position in terms of logistical access, influence in regional Somalia, and political-economic costs for Tehran; as a result, Tehran was forced to redefine its tools (military, political, and soft) to maintain its strategic position in the axis of resistance.
The present analysis, focusing on the political, security, and diplomatic consequences of this competition, shows that the confrontation between Saudi Arabia and Turkey has had a dual function for Iran: on the one hand, a threat to the continuity of the fronts of influence, and on the other hand, opportunities for diplomatic maneuvering and regional balancing.

Abstract In the literature of sacred defense, which is a description of the external and internal conditions of human beings who stood up to protect human honor and dignity and human virtues against the aggressors of human dignity, women have a prominent role. What distinguishes a woman's face in the literature of the holy defense from its counterparts in the literature of the stability of the world is her following of Hazrat Zainab (PBUH) in the events of Karbala. In this article, the faith, anti-tyranny, self-sacrifice and patience of women have been displayed in a very worthy way in the literature of sacred defense. Women's literature has common characteristics, characteristics that can be found less often in men's works. From the point of view of women, existence is viewed from a different angle. The way of looking at the material and non-material worlds, they look at God with their own view, life and then war. The lens of their view is formed first of all with stirring and innocent emotions, which sometimes takes the form of an epic and sometimes has an inhibiting aspect.

Abstract Regional political dynamics and challenges have led states to adopt differing perspectives on various issues due to both internal limitations and capabilities, as well as international and regional factors. This situation has prompted the adoption of innovative approaches in both domestic and foreign policies, which are the result of structural interactions and agency-driven decisions. To better understand the differences in viewpoints and political approaches across various factions—particularly during elections and recent political developments—it is crucial to review and critically analyze the discourses of the seventh and eighth governments, as well as the ninth and tenth governments. The primary issue addressed by this research is the sense of crisis and the strategies for overcoming both domestic and international political crises during the seventh to tenth presidential terms, and the continuation of this cyclical crisis in the political trajectories that followed. This issue has challenged the notions of national interests and optimal state policies, leading to contentious decision-making that significantly influenced the country’s political landscape.
The main aim of this research is to analyze, explain, and compare two distinct political approaches taken during the seventh and eighth administrations as well as the ninth and tenth. By applying Thomas Spragens’ crisis theory and decision-making theory, the study’s findings reveal that the actions and policies of Iranian statesmen between 1997 and 2015 were shaped by their differing backgrounds, experiences, and perspectives on crises. While the leaders’ discourses were critically oriented towards the existing policies, they presented various strategies and tactics to address the challenges at hand. One approach emphasized alignment with the international order and internal political development, whereas another proposed a revisionist strategy that focused on addressing the needs of marginalized groups and social justice as a solution to the prevailing crisis.

Abstract In the statements of the leader of the Islamic Revolution of Iran, the concept of popularization is explained based on a specific ontology. This ontology introduces people as the foundation and axis of the Islamic system. The purpose of this study is to achieve the elements and components of popularization. The research method is qualitative and thematic analysis. The results of the findings showed that a total of 278 basic themes, 11 organizing themes and 4 inclusive themes were identified in the field of popularization. From the point of view of the Supreme Leader, popularization in the direction of continuous movement and continuation of the revolution is realized in four areas: programmatic, strategic, implementation and policy. With regard to the concepts and propositions extracted in the ontology of popularization in the intellectual system of the Supreme Leader, he emphasizes that the people should be the central axis and core of the system in all political, social, cultural and economic fields. be considered Islamic. Based on this, from his point of view, popularization means people's participation and role-playing in all dimensions of the Islamic system. For this purpose, it is necessary to compile a popularization document in the field of providing mechanisms for popular participation by the three forces and revolutionary institutions, in order to realize the ideals of the Islamic Revolution and strengthen the reliance on the internal capacities of the society.

Abstract این مطالعه به تحلیل جامعه‌شناختی توسعه پایدار در بستر انقلاب اسلامی و نقش آن به عنوان یکی از شاخص‌های حکمرانی مطلوب می‌پردازد. انقلاب اسلامی با تغییرات ساختاری در نهادهای اجتماعی، ارزش‌ها و باورهای دینی، تأثیر قابل‌توجهی بر فرآیندهای توسعه پایدار داشته است. این انقلاب نه تنها هویت ملی و انسجام اجتماعی را تقویت کرده، بلکه زمینه‌ساز تحولات فرهنگی، آموزشی و اقتصادی شده است که نقش مهمی در تحقق حکمرانی مطلوب ایفا می‌کنند. تحلیل جامعه‌شناختی نشان می‌دهد که ارزش‌های دینی، مشارکت اجتماعی و هویت ملی، عناصر کلیدی در تداوم و پایداری سیاست‌ها و برنامه‌های توسعه‌ای هستند و می‌توانند شاخص‌های مؤثری در ارزیابی حکمرانی مطلوب باشند. همچنین، انقلاب فرصت‌ها و چالش‌هایی را در حوزه‌های اقتصادی، زیست‌محیطی و اجتماعی ایجاد کرده است که نیازمند سیاست‌گذاری‌های مبتنی بر تحلیل‌های جامعه‌شناختی است. در نتیجه، توسعه پایدار در بستر انقلاب اسلامی، به عنوان یکی از شاخص‌های حکمرانی مطلوب، نیازمند توازن میان ابعاد اقتصادی، فرهنگی و اجتماعی است و بهره‌گیری از ارزش‌های دینی و هویت ملی می‌تواند مسیر تحقق حکمرانی کارآمد و پایدار را هموار سازد. این مطالعه بر اهمیت نقش عوامل اجتماعی و فرهنگی در ارتقاء شاخص‌های حکمرانی تأکید می‌کند و پیشنهاد می‌دهد که رویکردهای جامعه‌شناختی می‌توانند راهنمای مؤثری برای سیاست‌گذاری‌های توسعه‌ای و حکمرانی مطلوب باشند.
بنابراین سؤال پژوهش این است که توسعه پایدار در بستر انقلاب اسلامی چقدر در ایجاد حکمرانی مطلوب نقش دارد؟ و چگونه می‌تواند حکمرانی مطلوب را در بستر انقاب اسلامی ایجاد کرد ؟ فرضیه این است: توسعه پایدار در بستر انقلاب اسامی باعث ایجاد حکمرانی مطلوب خواهد شد.. یافته‌های پژوهش نشان می دهند که توسعه و در ادامه توسعه پایدار نقش اساسی در حکمرانی مطلوب را در جامعه و کشور دارد.

Abstract Aggression and aggrandizement have been the beginning of countless oppression and crimes throughout human life. Accessing and using power resources without regard to moral and human frameworks has formed the equation of the oppressor and the oppressed. Internal exploitation and external colonialism have been an undesirable duality for non-Western societies over the past two centuries. Resistance to oppression has been the result of human nature, rationality, religion, etc., although this resistance has not been sufficiently effective and fruitful for various reasons. Ayatollah Khamenei has outlined the content and functional framework of resistance throughout his leadership. Therefore, this research attempts to answer the question using the method of content analysis: What are the rational and narrative foundations of popular resistance in Ayatollah Khamenei's intellectual system? The findings of the research have shown that Ayatollah Khamenei has explained the traditional and rational foundations of resistance by citing verses of the Holy Quran and emphasizing rules such as negating the moustache, jihad, helping the oppressed, confronting oppression, etc., and rational foundations such as honor, wisdom, and expediency.

Abstract After the establishment of the Islamic Republic, Iran has always faced a wide range of comprehensive sanctions from major world powers. The United States is one of the staunch supporters of economic and political sanctions to achieve the desired goals in foreign policy, although the imposition of sanctions against Iran is not a new issue; but the new round of sanctions is designed to focus on the country's revenue sectors and weaken the value of the national currency, which has been accompanied by political pressure and greater consultation between the United States and its European allies. Economic sanctions have negative effects by creating disorderly conditions and turmoil in the economy, and subsequently increase public dissatisfaction. The main question of the research is: "How is the role of public policymaking in confronting economic sanctions against Iran analyzed and examined?" On the other hand, the effectiveness of sanctions depends on the economic structure of the target country. Given that policymakers have not yet adopted a desirable transformational approach to confronting sanctions, but by considering indicators such as adopting a development-oriented foreign policy, strengthening the government's relationship with civil society and the private sector, pursuing anti-sanctions strategies, and strengthening the knowledge-based economy, it will be able to play a more desirable role in confronting sanctions. The present study was conducted using an analytical-descriptive approach and data collection was conducted through library and document studies.

Abstract Mohammad Reza Shah Pahlavi launched a massive nuclear program in the 1970s to strengthen Iran's geopolitical position. The main question is what were the security implications of this program, both domestically and internationally? The present theoretical research, using historical, descriptive, and argumentative studies with an analytical approach, shows that this program, in line with development programs and with a view to territorial planning, initially began with a geoeconomic perspective with the aim of producing large amounts of nuclear electricity to diversify the fuel portfolio and avoid reliance on fossil fuels for the growing need for domestic energy consumption, To expand infrastructure as a key factor in Iran's economic development and influence in the energy market, and to become a political and security tool to increase Iran's power. The Shah's independent national policy was to use the country's geographical advantages to try to control nuclear technology, To complete nuclear fuel cycle, while increasing energy security, and by achieving the nuclear escape point, guarantee the maintenance of military superiority and the balance of power in the region by relying on nuclear technology, However, achieving such a capability faced challenges due to the vast changes in the region's geopolitical landscape, and it became a platform for future confrontation between Iran and the United States.

Abstract Social unity and cohesion are a necessity for all countries and societies, and a basic condition for survival and growth. Given the existence of rich resources and sublime Islamic teachings, valuable points can be extracted in this regard that can be a guide for the Islamic society and solving the current problems of the country, and can also be provided as an alternative to other thinkers in the world. In the meantime, Nahj-al-Balagha, with its significant socio-political teachings, can be useful as one of the valuable resources in this field. The aim of this research is to extract and explain the requirements of governance to strengthen social cohesion.
The research method is inductive qualitative content analysis. Based on the findings, the requirements of governance to strengthen social cohesion were obtained in three axes: doctrinal requirements including: monotheistic attitude, considering the government as a divine trust, and the necessity of accountability to God Almighty. Attitudinal requirements including: giving full value and priority to people, good faith and trust in people, love and mercy, feeling of brotherhood and closeness, and benevolence and love of service) were obtained. And functional requirements including: self-improvement of agents, justice and justice development, security, livelihood, education and growth of people in society, implementation of Sharia, keeping promises and building trust, accessibility and accountability, transparency, and living a simple life in step with the people were obtained.

Abstract This research examines and compares the Supreme Leader’s views on the Islamic Revolution-level government with the performance of post-war governments. Most of these assessments have been explicitly stated in the Supreme Leader’s statements during his latest official meetings with governments and Ramadan meetings. The main issue of the research is which governments have come closest to the Islamic Revolution-level government from the Supreme Leader’s perspective. In response to this issue, the present research analyzes the Supreme Leader’s statements through a qualitative study and, using the SWOT model, evaluates the Supreme Leader’s governments and compares them with each other, providing a clear picture of his expectations in the country’s executive management. The research aims to extract the indicators desired by the Supreme Leader in evaluating the performance of governments, explain the strengths and weaknesses of each period, and outline the desirable governance criteria from his perspective. By achieving this goal, it is possible to understand the degree to which post-war governments conform to the characteristics of a revolutionary government and give each one a fair score. The findings of the research show that the Supreme Leader, with a comprehensive approach, has evaluated each government based on the level of adherence to the values ​​of the revolution, seeking justice, being popular, efficiency, independence, attention to the disadvantaged, and moving along the path of the revolutionary discourse. Among them, some governments have become closer to the Islamic Revolution-level government and are considered a model for other governments, while some governments have distanced themselves from the ideal of the Islamic Revolution-level government and are a lesson for future governments.