Islamic Revolution Research

Abstract One of the most important issues in any revolution is to examine the horizons ahead of that revolution and the possibility or impossibility of its realization. The purpose of the present study is to examine the perspective of the Islamic Republic of Iran from the perspective of the Imam (may Allah have mercy on him) and the leadership. The main question is; How can the bright horizon that has always been emphasized by the Imams of the revolution since the victory of the Islamic Revolution until today be realized? This study has examined this issue using an analytical-descriptive method and using library resources as well as data collection from their statements and speeches. The findings of the above study are as follows: The Imams of the revolution have always considered in their statements that the main goal of forming an Islamic government during the occultation is to pave the way for the emergence of Imam Mahdi (may Allah have mercy on him) and believe that other goals and horizons of the country should also be in line with achieving this great goal. The most important factors that will make this vision come true are: maintaining a monotheistic view and deep heartfelt belief, not neglecting the main slogans and values, relying on internal capabilities, especially the strength and energy of the youth, hope for the future, jihadi work, and preserving the culture of sacrifice and martyrdom. In contrast, the dominance of a materialistic and self-serving view, self-deprecation, the dominance of Western culture, values, and lifestyle in society, and distancing oneself from Islamic beliefs and values, are among the most important obstacles facing the vision of the Islamic Republic of Iran, and ignoring them can gradually lead this revolution to the abyss of collapse and destruction.

Abstract The distinction of the great Islamic Revolution of Iran from the great revolutions of the world is related more than anything to the fundamental principles that are considered as structural and identity components of this revolution. Among these identity components is the “principle of merging religion and the world”, which none of the great revolutions of the world have enjoyed. This component simultaneously reveals the comprehensiveness and eternity of the pure Islam of Muhammad (PBUH), and both declares the position and manner of the Islamic Revolution’s confrontation with Western culture, technology and civilization, and also provides a new logic regarding desirable governance in the administration of Islamic society in the light of the Islamic political system. Studying, researching and explaining the dimensions and effects of the numerous identity components of the Islamic Revolution, including the component of “merging religion and the world”, remains a necessity that should not be neglected or ignored by scholars in the field of the Islamic Revolution. Based on this necessity, the author attempts to discuss and examine in this study how to achieve the logic of desirable governance based on this important component of the Islamic Revolution. The final result of this effort is that the main, comprehensive, and reliable software for the desirable governance of the political and social system that emerged from the Great Islamic Revolution is "governmental jurisprudence," that is, the same comprehensive jurisprudence that the architect of the Islamic Revolution, Imam Khomeini (peace be upon him), endured many difficulties and efforts to produce, promote, publish, and operationalize in the context of Islamic society and to invite committed jurists to promote and update it.

Abstract Culture has been a paramount concern for political leaders throughout history. Its significance is so profound that many of a nation's defense strategies against external threats are rooted in this concept. In a society like Iran, this concern often takes on a religious dimension. The concept of "cultural piety," which finds its roots in the teachings of the political leaders of the Islamic Republic of Iran, exemplifies this. This concept, finding its meaning in opposition to terms like "cultural invasion," points to a form of "self-care." Its strengthening fosters societal immunity against foreign cultural intrusions. This paper delves into the coordinates of "cultural piety" within Ayatollah Khamenei's thought, utilizing Edgar Schein's three-layer model. Schein posits that culture is a multi-layered phenomenon with a causal relationship between its various levels, with the outer layers being influenced by the inner ones. Consequently, the paper examines "cultural piety" in the Leader's thought through this multi-level lens. Through thematic analysis, the research identifies the coordinates of "cultural piety" within Ayatollah Khamenei's thinking across three levels: internal (Basic Assumptions: monotheism, prophethood, imamate, belief in the afterlife, belief in the purposefulness of human creation); middle (values and beliefs: justice-centeredness, emphasizing the family system as the foundation of cultural activities, understanding the enemy, and rejecting an aristocratic outlook); and external (artifacts and behaviors: optimal utilization of cultural tools, promoting and expanding ethical behaviors within society).

Abstract Organizational justice is considered as one of the key factors in promoting the health and efficiency of organizations and plays an important role in improving employee behavior and job satisfaction. Considering the importance of justice in the Islamic system and its effect on job engagement, the present study aimed to investigate the effect of organizational justice on job engagement of employees of Isfahan Regional Water Company.This study is of an applied and descriptive-survey type, and its statistical population includes the company's employees, who were selected through a random sampling of 253 people. Data were collected using the standard questionnaire of Shimamura et al. (2021), whose validity was confirmed through expert opinion and convergent and divergent validity methods, and its reliability was confirmed by Cronbach's alpha coefficients, factor loadings, and composite reliability.Data analysis was performed using structural equation modeling and Smart PLS 3 software. The findings showed that organizational justice dimensions (distributive, procedural, and interactional) have a positive and significant effect on organizational citizenship behavior and job satisfaction. Organizational citizenship behavior also had a positive and significant effect on job satisfaction and job engagement. Job satisfaction also had a positive and significant effect on employee job engagement.In addition, organizational justice had a positive and significant effect on job satisfaction through the mediation of organizational citizenship behavior, and organizational citizenship behavior had a positive and significant effect on job engagement through the mediation of job satisfaction. These results emphasize the importance of developing organizational justice and strengthening organizational citizenship behavior to increase employee satisfaction and engagement.

Abstract In the history of development, the national bourgeoisie has often been regarded as the leading force behind the realization of national development within a country. This point is particularly significant because, according to certain theories, the emergence of development based on national capitalism can create the conditions for political development as well. Since Iran experienced a period of economic development during the 1960s and early 1970s (1340s and early 1350s in the Iranian calendar), the central question the present paper seeks to answer is: what kind of capitalism underpinned Iran’s development programs during that time? The hypothesis proposed in response is as follows: based on three indicators – the imperialist relationship between Iran and the West (emphasizing the hegemony of the international system), the class linkage between Iranian and global capitalism, and the primacy of imports over exports – the dominant form of capitalism during this period was comprador capitalism. The research findings suggest that nationalist tendencies were more characteristic of Iran’s petty bourgeoisie. This was a class that reached its peak during the short-lived oil-free economy of Mohammad Mosaddegh’s government and was marginalized later. To explain this hypothesis, the study adopts a historical–institutional method. Data collection is conducted through library-based research.

Abstract در تلاش برای تبیین تحولات اقتصادی اجتماعی دوره جمهوری اسلامی این سؤال مطرح می‌شود که «صورت‌بندی اقتصادی اجتماعی ایران در دوره جمهوری اسلامی ایران دچار چه تغییراتی شده است؟» فرض بر آن است که در دوره ج.ا، به‌رغم کم‌شدت بودن تغییر در ساخت اقتصاد ایران، اما وضعیت رفاهی- معیشتی و نظام قشربندی اجتماعی ایران دچار تغییرات محسوسی شده است. با رهیافت جامعه‌شناسی تاریخی و استفاده از روش ابداعی جان فوران برای بررسی تحولات اقتصادی اجتماعی ایران، این یافته‌ها به دست آمده که در حوزه روستایی، با وجود کاهش سهم روستاها از جمعیت کل کشور از بیش از 50 به حدود 24 درصد، فرایند شهری شدن روستاها توسعه و شکاف امکاناتی روستاها و شهرها کاهش یافته و در عین حال، مناسبات ارباب–رعیتی در روستاها برچیده شده، توازنی در منزلت اجتماعی میان روستاییان ایجاد شده و آنها از رعایا به شهروندان دارای حقوق و آزادی‌های مشروع تبدیل شده‌اند. با این حال، تولید در روستاها متنوع نشده است. در حوزه عشایری نیز جمعیت عشایر و سهم‌شان از تولید ناخالص داخلی کاهش یافته است. در شهرها هم علاوه بر افزایش سهم شهرها از جمعیت کل کشور از 50 به 76 درصد و افزایش سهم صنعت از تولید ناخالص داخلی از 18 به 42 درصد، اما سهم شاغلان در بخش صنعت در حدود نصف شاغلان در بخش خدمات است. همچنین، به دلایلی چون تحریم‌های فلج‌کننده ضدایرانی و افزایش بی‌ثباتی در فضای اقتصادی، بورژوازی‌های کمپرادور و مستغلات و سرمایه‌داری شبه‌دولتی رشد کرده‌اند، اما طبقه متوسط شهری، طبقه پایین و کارگران با افت سرمایه اقتصادی مواجه شده‌اند.

Abstract The most important element related to the national identity in the Islamic revolution is the "pattern of Islamic-Iranian progress". The paradigms of national identity, despite many criticisms in Iran, are reliable and cannot be easily discarded in the design of the roadmap for the next fifty years. We are talking about the huge capacities of culture, history, language, land and ethnicity, which are fixed and indelible characteristics that have been imprinted in our consciousness for thousands of years and cannot be forgotten. Can the Iranian-Islamic model of progress among the attacks of western and eastern culture on the new generation be an alternative grand narrative, regardless of the elements of Iranian identity? In the second step, the Islamic revolution can, with appropriate measures, while being flexible and preserving the sanctity of history and continuity in the elements of national identity, the model of Islamic-Iranian progress with new components such as; To match religious democracy, futurism and localism. This means that in the requirements related to progress, national, indigenous, Islamic and civilization indicators should be considered. We have considered a model for the future fifty years of our country, which we are facing with emerging Western and Eastern cultures. Due to the rapid transformations of society, modern social patterns weaken old traditions and create new patterns at the same time. In this way, along with the Islamic identity, it is possible to strengthen the flexibility and preservation of the past and continuity in national elements, the preservation of ancient authentic Iranian traditions, and the revival of national traditions in the form of national identity.

Abstract BRICS is an important international agreement that requires discussion and review both in terms of the approach of this agreement and the membership of the Islamic Republic of Iran in this agreement. Accordingly, the aim of this article is to study the role of BRICS in the new international order. In this research, descriptive-analytical and library methods have been used to collect and analyze data. The main question of the article is: From what perspective and in what way does BRICS affect the international order? The research hypothesis is based on the fact that BRICS will influence the new international order through institution-building, the creation of development banks such as the Asian Development Bank, the transition from Western liberal economics and values, reforming the structures of the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund, as well as the process of de-dollarization and the promotion of multipolarity.The findings of the article show that the BRICS structure can be a response to the existing imbalance in the international order and challenge the rules, norms and international agenda; this challenge is mainly realized through soft balancing instruments in various areas.

Abstract Transcendental wisdom, which was proposed by Mulla Sadra during the Safavid era, was able to find a special place in the theoretical and practical arena in the intellectual system of Muslims and thinkers and scholars of the Islamic Revolution by combining reason, narration, and intuition, and presenting a harmonious system of epistemology and ontology. In this article, an attempt has been made to examine the process of spreading, expanding, and evolving transcendental wisdom from the Safavid era to the Islamic Revolution by using the descriptive method and collecting information through documentary and library methods, as well as applying the diffusion theory. The questions of this research are: What are the contexts and grounds for the growth and expansion of transcendental wisdom? Who are the bearers of this thought during this four-hundred-year period? What obstacles and challenges has the path of transcendental wisdom from the Safavid era to the Islamic Revolution been faced with? And how has the infinity of this philosophical thought influenced the Islamic Revolution?
The findings of the research show that transcendental wisdom from the Safavids to the Islamic Revolution was mainly carried out through non-hierarchical dissemination, with various ups and downs, and by a set of carriers. In the course of this process, news and anti-rational thoughts on the one hand and secular thoughts influenced by Western modernity on the other hand have been among the important challenges of this thought. The thinkers of transcendental wisdom, by seriously criticizing these two intellectual streams and benefiting from their positive points, succeeded in presenting a middle model based on selection and possession in confronting ideas. Which is based on dualities such as the connection between this world and the afterlife, the connection between justice and freedom,

Abstract The discourse of the Islamic Revolution, since its victory in 1979, has fundamentally transformed the structure and direction of the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran. This discourse, relying on components such as independence, rejection of domination, the spirit of martyrdom, religious democracy, and military power, has outlined an anti-arrogance framework for confronting oppressive powers - especially the United States of America. At the same time, regional and international developments have provided grounds for the emergence of conditional and limited interaction within this discourse; capacities that allow for the tactical use of negotiation without deviating from the principles of discourse. Experiences such as the nuclear negotiations and regional dialogues show that the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran, within the framework of this discourse, follows the logic of "resistance interaction"; an interaction that is a tool for preserving the country's principles and revolutionary identity, not bypassing them.

Using a structuralist approach and discourse analysis in international relations, this article examines how the discourse of the Islamic Revolution has influenced Iran’s confrontational and engagement-seeking policies with the United States since the beginning of the revolution. Historical examples analyzed include the Algiers Agreement, the Macfarlane negotiations, the Reform government’s de-escalation period, the nuclear negotiations, and recent indirect talks. The findings show that Iran’s behavior has been subject to identities and discursive meanings more than material considerations, and that the policy of resistance engagement is a sustainable approach in confronting the United States.

Finally, this research can contribute to a better understanding of the identity and strategic dynamics of Iran-US relations and provide guidance for the future analysis of interactions and confrontations between the two countries.

Abstract In this article, the indicators of good governance from the perspective of Nahjul-Balagha and the indicators announced by the World Bank are examined comparatively. The qualitative research method is a content analysis approach of thematic analysis. The data collection tool is document and library study. In this study, it is argued that the concept and indicators of good governance (legality, anti-corruption, accountability, transparency, efficiency and effectiveness) presented in Nahjul-Balagha do not differ significantly from the indicators intended by the World Bank or other international organizations or experts. The word governance has never been raised in contrast to the concept of democracy or democratic procedures, but has been related to the method and method of governance and the provision of public interests by political officials of a country, to the extent that many experts in the category of governance have not considered democracy necessary and sufficient to achieve good governance, and instead have considered the development-oriented thinking of the country's intellectual and instrumental elites as essential. The result is that we can boldly say that in this treaty, the Imam (a.s.) has definitely explained beyond the rules and components that are necessary for good governance. Therefore, all the precise indicators of good governance in the Nahj al-Balagha of Amir al-Munnin (a.s.) can be traced and compared with modern theories of good governance, especially the precise indicators presented by the World Bank.

Abstract The Islamic Revolution, which was actually the transition from the Pahlavi government to the Islamic Republic of Iran, is the first unique experience that led to the formation of an Islamic political system and the connection between the state and society. The purpose of this study is to reflect on the relations between the state and society in the first decade of the revolution, using a descriptive-analytical research method and based on library resources, seeking to answer the question of how the institutions that were formed during the revolutionary period were effective in reproducing the relationship between the state and society. Accordingly, three support, service, and health institutions (Imam Khomeini Relief Committee, Jihad-e-Sazandagi, and Health Houses) and two areas of political and military participation (elections and sacred defense) were scrutinized and examined. Findings: The institutions mentioned were born of the revolutionary discourse, and since the government considered itself to be based on the collective will of the people, it sought to determine its relationship with society. The government sought to strengthen the relationship between itself and society in several dimensions and to give them a concrete expression. Since the social base of the government was in the lower classes of society and marginal areas, it created a significant part of these institutions with the aim of strengthening this class. Although the purpose of forming these institutions by the government was to implement a top-down relationship in order to create a coherent and sustainable relationship with society in the first decade of the revolution. However, the elections and the sacred defense that were completed with the presence of the society were bottom-up and arose from the social issue in order to link it with the construction of power..

Abstract The 10th legislative session was opened on Thursday 15 June 1314 equal to 4 Rabi al-Awwal 1354 and ended with the end of the 108th session of this period on 22 June 1316 equal to 3 Rabi al-Thani 1356. The 10th parliament, which had one hundred and eight sessions, was in the hands of the Pahlavi government and the opposition representative could not enter the parliament. to find a way and whoever was in the parliament was considered to be the king's representative and the freedom of election had no meaning. One of the most important issues that was approved by the National Assembly in this period was the Saadabad Treaty between Iran, Turkey, Afghanistan and Iraq. Iran's foreign relations during Reza Shah's period were influenced by the structure of the system and international developments, just like the way he came to office. British and Soviet opposition to the granting of northern oil concessions to America, Iran's membership in the Baghdad Pact with British initiative, British and Soviet agreement to the expansion of Iran's commercial relations, and signs of the influence of the international system on Iran's foreign relations.