Islamic Revolution Research

Abstract Abstract
The theory of Velayat-e Faqih (Guardianship of the Jurist), as one of the most important foundations of Shi‘a political jurisprudence, was, prior to the Safavid era, largely confined to limited domains such as hisbah (public duties), judiciary, and endowments, and rarely entered the realm of politics or macro‑level governance. The central challenge was the absence of institutional infrastructure and political support needed to expand it into the public sphere. This study, adopting a “Historical Institutionalism” approach and employing a historical–functional analysis, examines the role of the Safavid state in transferring this theory from restricted jurisprudential discourse to an operational structure of governance. Analysis of documents, legal texts, and historical evidence reveals that the strategic alliance between the Safavid monarchy and the institution of Shi‘a jurisprudence was the main driver of this transformation. The findings show that the Safavid state, seeking to consolidate legitimacy and stabilize power, established a structured network of religious institutions and symbols—from the foundation of the judicial divan and the office of the Sheikh al‑Islam to the organization of the endowment system and the reinforcement of public Shi‘a rituals. Figures such as al‑Muhaqqiq al‑Karaki, benefiting from royal patronage, implemented the doctrine of general deputation (niyābat ‘āmma) and elevated the jurist’s position to that of a “religious ruler” (ḥākim shar‘) with extensive authority. This process created a lasting model of mutual legitimacy‑building between the monarch and the jurist, whose effects persisted in later movements, from the Constitutional Revolution to the Islamic Revolution. The conclusion is that the transformation of Velayat-e Faqih in the Safavid era was not merely an intra‑jurisprudential evolution, but rather the direct outcome of the institutional functions of the state, leaving an irreversible legacy in the history of Shi‘a political thought.

Keywords: Functionalism, Safavid State, Formation, Transformation, Theory of Velayat-e Faqih

Abstract Abstract
One of the most important assets of the armed forces is human resources, which play a key role in ensuring the security and authority of the country. So that the optimal performance of the armed forces depends on the characteristics of its personnel. Since there has been no considerable study of the characteristics of the personnel of the armed forces of the Islamic Revolution, In this study we will explore the characteristics of the personnel of the armed forces from the viewpoint of the Islamic texts (Quran and Nahjol Balagheh) and The thoughts of leaders of the Revolution. This research is qualitative in terms of data type, and development - applied in terms of purpose, and Grounded Theory in terms of method. The research population consists of the content of the Islamic texts (Quran and Nahjol Balagheh) and speeches, statements and commands of the Imams of the Revolution. For data gathering, the foundation data method in Islamic research (Khannifar et al., 1390) has been used. After the subject entries have been identified by experts,, Islamic texts and leaders of the Revolution's ideas of the armed forces staff were read by researchers and their properties were extracted in 56 concepts. Then, using the results, staff characteristics were classified into two dimensions (declarative and practical) and four components (ethies, method, intuition and action). The results of this study have contributed to the theoretical development of the characteristics of the personnel of the Islamic Revolutionary Armed Forces and provides tacit guidance to the scholars, military, and commanders of the armed forces in understanding the Islamic texts and Leaders's ideas.

Abstract This study elucidates the role of political ontology in civilizational future-making from the perspective of the Islamic Revolution discourse, offering an integrative framework for realizing the future-making act in contemporary political philosophy. The theoretical structure rests on three levels: discourse, ontology, and future-making. First, applying Laclau and Mouffe’s analysis to foundational texts including Imam Khomeini, Ayatollah Khamenei, and the Second Phase Statement, “Pure Muhammadan Islam” is identified as the central signifier and meaning-making nodal point. Through chains of equivalence, this discourse redefines concepts such as humanity, justice, independence, and Progress within a Divine horizon against rival discourses. Second, utilizing Marchart’s political ontology, the political is explicated as the sphere of collective self-awareness; a realm where political action is not merely power competition but disclosing collective existence and the Ummah, marking a transition from revolutionary thinking to revolutionary being. Third, drawing on Miller and Poli’s normative futures approach, civilizational future-making is conceptualized as realizing Divine Will within human agency. The final outcome is a three-level model that, by linking Meaning, Being, and Future, provides a theoretical foundation for establishing the New Islamic Civilization.

Abstract This article uses a descriptive-comparative approach to examine and analyze social barriers to sustainable development in the Islamic Republic of Iran and Saudi Arabia. The aim of the research is to identify, compare, and explain key barriers in the two countries, considering the specific cultural, institutional, and social contexts of each. The results of the analysis of statistical sources and fundamental studies show that both countries face challenges such as weak social participation, dominance of traditional and religious structures, gender and social inequalities, concentration of power, and lack of institutional transparency, but the manifestation and severity of these barriers differ based on local characteristics. In Iran, the resistance of traditional institutions to reforms, institutional distrust, and the dispersion of social capital are considered the most important challenges, while in Saudi Arabia, the dominance of tribal and religious culture, the limited role of women, and the intense focus of the political structure have cast a shadow on the process of sustainable development. The research, while comparative analyzing the roots of these obstacles, emphasizes that overcoming the challenges of sustainable development requires institutionalized approaches, strengthening civil and social participation, improving the education system with a focus on critical awareness, local policymaking, and reducing regional and gender gaps. Accordingly, it is suggested that both countries provide the necessary context for achieving sustainable development by reviewing legal and cultural structures, making the governance system transparent and accountable, and strengthening social and civil infrastructure. The innovation of the article lies in presenting a comparative picture of social obstacles to sustainable development and providing solutions appropriate to the context of each country, which can help policymakers and researchers in future planning.

Abstract Problem Statement: The realization of equality has been among the objectives of all divine prophets, intellectual schools, and religious leaders. Many contemporary social, sociological, and political actions are centered around the concept of equality.
Research Objective: The aim of this study is to conduct a thematic analysis of the concept of equality within the intellectual framework of Ayatollah Khamenei in the context of the system of religious democracy.
Methodology: To achieve this objective, the statements and speeches of the Supreme Leader were examined using the method of thematic analysis. By reviewing relevant speeches, texts, and notes related to the subject from his perspective, 42 basic themes were initially identified. These were then carefully categorized into 13 organizing themes, and finally overarching themes were extracted and clarified.
Key Findings:The most significant findings of the research include: equality in Islamic governance; equality of opportunities and facilities; equality before the law; equality among nations; racial equality; rejection of the Western notion of gender equality; and critique of Western claims of equality. The analysis of findings indicates that, in Ayatollah Khamenei’s thought, equality holds great significance. From his perspective, equality is distinct from justice. He maintains that equality exists within the system of the Islamic Republic, whereas genuine equality does not exist in Western societies, particularly in the United States, despite their claims to the contrary.

Abstract This article aims to analyze the discourse of Ayatollah Khamenei's messages regarding the Zionist regime's aggression against Iran using the critical discourse analysis framework of Norman Fairclough’s old and new approach. This qualitative study is based on content and discourse analysis, with the statistical population including all official messages issued by Ayatollah Khamenei during the military aggression of the Zionist regime against Iran. A purposeful sampling method was used, and four key messages were selected for detailed analysis. Data were collected through documentary analysis and interpreted using Fairclough’s discourse theory. Validity and reliability were ensured through triangulation and document verification methods. The findings showed that the leader's discourse, using religious, national, and resistance themes, has strengthened social cohesion, countered enemy propaganda, and reinforced national-religious identity. Additionally, this discourse acts as an alternative framework challenging Western-dependent narratives and identifying socio-cultural obstacles. Finally, Fairclough’s framework effectively revealed the relationship between language, power, and social context within the leader's discourse.

Abstract With the increasing penetration of Instagram in Iran, representations of luxury lifestyles, excessive consumerism, and transnational comparisons have created conditions for the formation or intensification of relative deprivation and a decline in the perceived efficacy of the Islamic Republic. This study addresses the question: How does Instagram, through the mechanism of relative deprivation, influence perceptions of regime efficacy? The central hypothesis posits that Instagram, by activating four processes—exposure to new lifestyles, reproduction of new ideologies, reference group displacement, and value imbalance—amplifies the gap between expectations and actual capacities, thereby undermining perceived regime efficacy. The present research employs a theoretical-analytical method, drawing on Ted Robert Gurr’s framework of relative deprivation. Findings indicate that Instagram, by substituting traditional reference groups and highlighting elite lifestyles, produces upward social comparisons, and that the selective and performative nature of these representations intensifies their socio-psychological impact. Based on these results, targeted explanatory efforts (jihad-e tabyin) and the promotion of media literacy are recommended as counter-strategies.

Abstract The purpose of this article was to investigate the methods of achieving the country's material interests through foreign policy in the government of Khatami and Ahmadinejad, and the study was carried out using a descriptive-analytical method. Khatami's government, by engaging with Western governments, which basically had a strong economy, provided the means to secure the country's material interests as much as possible. But the passage of time has proven that the western countries and America at the head of them, beyond their material interests, are subject to some international events and will adhere to their behavior as long as the political events suit them. Ahmadinejad's government, with the experience gained from the behavior of Western countries with Khatami's government, decided to use interaction in another way and in this way believed that the countries of South America, Africa and developing countries have potentials that can be used in Together, we can provide the material interests of the country. With this definition, it seems that the use of the diplomatic system in order to secure the material interests of the country, by both presidents with an approach to interacting with countries, was a suitable solution that could be done with a little more expert review and also to establish coordination with other domestic non-governmental organizations. Tell about more suitable successes in achieving material benefits for the country.

Abstract This study aims to investigate the impact of social factors on awareness of citizenship rights in Tehran. The importance of this issue lies in the connection between social variables (social capital, social identity, attitude towards globalization, religious orientation and presence in the public sphere) and the promotion of citizens' legal awareness;
This is justifiable both from the perspective of urban sociology theories and communicative action and based on the fundamental rights and the Charter of Citizens' Rights in Iran. The research method is applied in terms of purpose and quantitative and survey in terms of nature. The statistical population included all citizens over 18 years of age living in 22 districts of Tehran, of whom 384 people were selected using multi-stage cluster sampling based on the Cochran formula.
The data collection tool was a researcher-made questionnaire with 80 items, whose validity was confirmed through confirmatory factor analysis and expert opinion, and its reliability was confirmed by Cronbach's alpha (0.87). Structural equation modeling (SEM) was used to analyze the data. The findings showed that social capital (β=0.42), social identity (β=0.31), religious orientation (β=0.28), and attitude towards globalization (β=0.22) have a positive and significant effect on awareness of citizenship rights, while presence in the public sphere showed a less significant effect. These results indicate that promoting social capital and strengthening citizens' social identity play an important role in increasing their awareness of citizenship rig The innovation of this research lies in combining sociological and legal approaches and presenting a local model to explain the social factors affecting awareness of citizenship rights in the metropolis of Tehran. From a practical perspective, the findings can be a guide for the Tehran Municipality and other social and cultural institutions in designing policies to promote citizenship rights, creating platforms for social participation, and public education.

Abstract This study analyzes the challenges and problems of unaccompanied and maltreated youth who, after spending years in welfare centers as supported individuals, are now entering a stage in their lives where they must leave the organization's continuous support system and make a living on their own.
In this regard, the main goal of this research is the challenges of social exclusion in the process of transitioning unaccompanied and abused youth to independent life (society) in Tehran. The present research was a qualitative research and was conducted using a phenomenological method.
The research tool included semi-structured in-depth individual interviews. The research participants included unaccompanied girls and boys transferred to the community, who were at least 21 years old and had been transferred for a maximum of 5 years. The selection was purposive. MAXQDA software was used to analyze the data. In examining the data obtained from the interviews, it was coded into 4 main themes and 13 sub-themes.
The findings indicated the problems and challenges that young people face in entering society. The study specifically focused on challenges such as lack of support networks, lack of acceptance by society, identity crises, and a sense of ambivalence when faced with independent living.
The results of the study showed that they face extensive problems in all aspects of their lives and, in order to achieve an independent and successful life, they need continuous support, specialized training, and reform of social attitudes.